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By Chike Obidigbo
All blames go to Britain. But, indeed, both the Igbo ethnic group and Christians in Nigeria continue to face significant, though distinct, forms of discrimination and persecution in Nigeria. Without doubt, the subjection is driven by a complex mix of ethnic, political, religious and economic factors, with deep historical roots.
Historical records are replete with evidence of how the British colonial policies in Nigeria, particularly the Amalgamation of 1914 and Indirect Rule policy, contributed significantly to ethno-religious tensions and disparities that persist in the country. This has culminated in the discrimination against Igbo and Christian communities in the country.
When Sir Frederick Lugard proclaimed the amalgamation of merging the Northern and Southern protectorates of Nigeria into a single entity in 1914, it was primarily for administrative efficiency.
But, through that arrangement, the British colonial administration used the resources from the wealthy South to fund the not-affluent North, thereby laying the foundation for future challenges in Nigeria. There is little doubt that the policy helped to deepen ethnic divisions by introducing a centralized system that neglected pre-existing cultural differences.
Indirect Rule:
To worsen the already bad governance structure, the British employed Indirect Rule system, using traditional rulers, such as chiefs and emirs, to govern. The system succeeded in the North, leveraging on existing structures, but faced challenges in the South, with decentralized structures that obtain in the Igbo ethnic group.
That the Igbo people embraced Western education and Christianity enthusiastically, initially provided social and economic advantages under colonial rule. However, their decentralized, non-hierarchical political system clashed with the British model of indirect rule, leading to conflict and the imposition of a system of “warrant chiefs.”
Consequently, while the British preserved local autonomy in the North, it imposed alien structure in the South through the “warrant chief system.” They did that to maintain law and order, but mostly to implement colonial policies, including taxation.
The attempt to entrench British authority through this system on the Igbo led to conflicts and resistance as was seen in the Aba Women’s riot of 1929, the first major revolt by women in West Africa. No fewer than 55 women were killed while thousands sustained various degrees of injuries.
Besides Indirect Rule, the discrimination against the Igbo during the colonial era also manifested through colonial policies favouring other groups and cultural clashes with missionaries, which the literary icon, Professor Chinua Achebe, highlighted in his 1958 debut novel, “Things Fall Apart”.
Also, the educational imbalance in the country, which favoured the South against the North fueled accusations of Igbo dominance in certain sectors as well as resentment against them, during and after the colonial era. It was obvious that Britain anticipated this schism to favour their plundering of the resources of the new country through massive export of raw materials.
Post-Independence:
The discrimination against the Igbo did not abate when Nigeria gained independence from Britain on October 1, 1960. Rather, it ballooned to the point of becoming a national policy. A political maneuver of the outcome of the 1959 elections by the British, led to the emergence of a Northerner, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa as the Prime Minister, forcing the more educated and experienced foremost nationalist, Dr. Nnamdi Benjamin Aziikiwe, the Zik of Africa and Owelle of Onitsha, to accept the ceremonial post of Governor-General.
Similarly, the resentment against the Igbo led to the introduction of the “Northerner First” policy, popularly known as the “Northernisation policy” by the Premier of Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello in Northern Region. During an interview with a foreign media in 1964, Sir Ahmadu Bello, known by his title, “Sarduanan Sokoto,” said he would rather employ foreigners in the northern civil service than employ Igbo people. His perception was that the Igbo are wont to dominate others.
The discrimination faced by Igbo, combined with divergent post-independence interests among the major ethnic groups, culminated in the Nigerian Civil War, which pitched the rest of Nigeria against the Igbo ethnic group. The war, which involved a blockade and mass starvation, led to millions of deaths, primarily Igbo up to the ultimate crushing of the Biafran secession attempt.
The brutal victory of the Nigerian side over the breakaway Biafra Republic, deepened the discrimination and marginalization of the Igbo in Nigeria in the post war era, regardless of the “No Victor, No Vanquished” declared by the then-Military Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon and his post-civil war 3Rs policy of Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction.
Looking back, one dare say that the discrimination against the Igbo became more pronounced after the war, because the Nigerian government implemented a policy that gave every Igbo person who had money in Nigerian bank accounts a fixed sum of 20 pounds regardless of the bank balance before the war. The attendant economic hardship was unimaginable.
Politically, Igbo have also continued to be marginalised for several decades after the war ended. They are deprived of the highest offices in the different arms of government, the military, and police, Nigerian Customs Service, among others. The Igbo dominated areas in the country lack adequate federal presence, when compared with other parts of the country.
The most glaring evidence of Igbo marginalization is that outsiders determine who becomes state governors and even federal lawmakers in the Igbo States. During elections only those that pledge allegiance to northern political godfathers of enjoys servile relationships with influential Emirs are encouraged by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to win.
This political marginalization of the Igbo in Nigeria is responsible for the resurgence of secessionist sentiments in the country, particularly in the form of the form of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) whose leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu was recently sentenced to life imprisonment on a charge of treason.
In his small book/pamphlet, “The Trouble with Nigeria,” published in 1983 and his memoir, “There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra,” published in 2012, Achebe declared that “Nigeria has an Igbo problem.” He noted that other Nigerian ethnic groups could achieve a consensus on only one matter, namely: “their shared resentment of the Igbo people.”
Similarly, a notable human rights lawyer, Barrister Malcolm Omirhobo, has consistently condemned the profiling of Igbo as wrong, unconstitutional, and a significant threat to national unity.
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As the hatred and antipathy towards Igbo go on, Britain feel a sense of fulfilment, believing that the irritation indirectly requites Igbo for being in the forefront of independence agitation and end to colonial control of Nigeria.
Christian Discrimination:
Similar to resentment against Igbo, the discrimination against Christians in Nigeria took roots in the colonial era. It escalated significantly in recent decades due to political dynamics, especially the fusion of political ideology into Islam by the Fulanis, who the British saw a willing ally for the indirect control of Nigeria.
The implementation of Sharia law in certain states, which manifested as a form of political control, later gave rise of extremist groups. In fact, under British colonial rule, some local administrators in certain middle-belt regions were accused of persecuting Christians, denying permits for churches, and encouraging local Muslim rulers to reject missionaries.
It is clear that Britain was purposely sowing the seeds of permanent discord to leave a window for their continued exploitation and intervention in the country’s political economy. This could be seen in the post- independence era, when religious tensions often intersected with ethnic and political competition.
In many ways than one, the British inspired the Fulani to deploy religion as a potent weapon for social discord and negation of democratic freedoms of assembly, movement and social expression.
Perhaps, as a result of the political ideology embedded in Islam, Muslims all over the world plan together, support themselves, and promote their jihadist agenda of ruthless global Islamisation.
They have their eyes on the entire Africa, Nigeria being their country of immediate concern. Conversely, the Christian world, particularly the West, has turned mercantile with their focus on free market capitalist economy that emphasizes profit. In the mad quest for wealth, they ruthlessly uproot any opposition, including ‘fellow CHRISTIANS’, to achieve total economic exploitation and control, particularly in Nigeria and the rest of Africa.
Then, for Igbo, they are confronted with triple tragedy. First, they have no distant relations to run to for support, unlike the Arabs and Muslims that have worldwide brotherhood enhanced with massive war chest and extensive and powerful international connections.
Secondly, they are mostly Christians, totally abandoned by those who used Christianity to colonise and exploit them, before trading them away for further commercial exploitation.
Thirdly, unlike most African ethnic groups, Igbo are not simply submissive, but will rather refuse to surrender their inheritance to anyone without proper discussions and negotiations. The Igbo dilemma becomes very apparent, and could be why Nnamdi Kanu, Simon Ekpa and Igbo in general continue to be punished and forced to submit to foreign interests by fire and by force.
Igbo stand like orphans gasping desperately for air and space to survive in a world that is bent on banishing us out of existence. In the absence of strong international advocacy, lack of international media backing, hostile neighbours, and very selfish and exploitative Western countries as colonial masters, the battle is long drawn. But, Chukwu Okike Abiama (Sovereign God of creation), will never let His people down no matter the designs of their detractors.
the collective prayers of Igbo and Nigeria Christians is for God to strengthen the hands of President Trump to understand both the enormity and urgency of the existential challenges confronting Igbo.
The Middle Belt region seems to be in greater danger. The region is made up mainly of Christians and was mischievously contrived as minority tribes in the Northern region by Britain working in cahoots with the Fulani North. Middle Belt sits precariously as buffer for between the gun and Christian South.
In that position, the jihadists would first conquer them before getting through the Southern communities before arriving the Atlantic Ocean, where they plan to burial site of the Koran. It is obvious that the vast land of Middle Belt, and almost the entire Eastern region, share similar fate of possible extinction
Modern-Day Persecution and Violence:
Christian communities, particularly in the northern states where Sharia law was implemented in 1999, face significant discrimination and persecution today. Violence against Christians in Nigeria is highly localized and has been attributed to various factors including attacks by radical Islamist groups and conflicts with predominantly Muslim herders over resources.
Tens of thousands of Christians have been killed for their faith in the last decade, with some reports calling Nigeria the most dangerous country in the world for Christians. Kidnappings for ransom, church burnings, and the destruction of homes and livelihoods are common occurrences. High-profile cases, such as the 2014 Chibok girls kidnapping, specifically targeted Christians and others.
The Nigerian government has faced accusations of failing to adequately protect Christian communities or prosecute perpetrators, while making political appointments that favour Muslims.
However, by targeting church buildings, clergy, and known Christian communities, a clear religious dimension is seen in the violence. The struggle for political ascendancy also compounds the problem, which captured international attention recently when the President Donald Trump of the United States, re-designated Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” for persecution of Christians by violent Islamists.
There is no gainsaying the fact that the British colonial policies created a fragile, multi-ethnic state where competition for resources and power became highly politicized along ethnic and religious lines, leading to enduring cycles of conflict and discrimination.
That all these shortcomings fuel calls for restructuring, self-determination and secession is not hard to find. The point to be made is that Britain and France should learn to respect the sovereignty of Nigeria and the country’s capacity to manage its resources. There insistence on controlling Nigeria is why Igbo and Nigerian Christians remain the most brutalised and overlooked victims of global discrimination.
*Dr Obidigbo, an elder statesman, writes from Enugu
