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The dastardly killing of two notable traditional rulers in Nnenasa, Njaba Local Government Area of Imo State, has set many tongues wagging, bringing into remembrance the old Wild Wild West imbroglio, a period that history has recorded as some of the darkest days of Nigeria’s political history.
According to reports, two traditional rulers, E. Duruebere of Okwudor autonomous community and Sampson Osunwa of Ihebinowerre autonomous community, both in Njaba, were murdered.
The gunmen stormed into a meeting of some traditional rulers and stakeholders at Nnenasa and opened fire, and instantly killed two of the traditional rulers.
It is a fact that Imo State is regarded as the epicentre of the pro-Biafra group Indigenous People of Biafra’s operations in the South-East, with tentacles around neighbouring states like Anambra, Abia and Enugu.
Unfortunately, while the people of Imo State were still in mourning, a similar incident occurred in Ebonyi State, where gunmen suspected to be political thugs shot dead Chief Igbokwe Ewa, the chairperson of Ezza North Traditional Rulers Council in Ebonyi State.
He was alledged to have been attacked and killed in his residence due to his political affiliation.
Commissioner for information in Ebonyi State, Uchenna Orji, disclosed this in a statement.
These killings and other incidents during election season have exposed the frailty and weakness of our security agencies on the one hand and the audacity of armed poItical criminals on the other side.
In fact, poItical violence and thuggery have consistently been aligned with every known election in the country.
The question frequently asked by both security agencies and political scientists is, in whose interest are these actions being perpetrated and for what purpose?
There are four stages of political violence . It starts from the politician who may not want to lose an election and then recruits thug leaders. These thug leaders abound in motor parks (Agberos), or are touts used as tax collectors.
Usually, the thug leader is the linkman between the politician’s aide and the street hoodlums and other criminals. Other familiar and sophisticated thugs are those recruited from tertiary institutions where cultism thrives.
Once the thug leader is contacted, he then links up with other thugs in the community, area or state using mobile phone communication. It is believed that operational targets are discussed at drinking joints or specific places, where weapons, drugs and other dangerous items like illegal security uniforms are also shared.
Most often, security agents drafted for election duty get compromised (Read my column “Judases in INEC”). A compromised security agent would look the other way while thugs are attacking polling booths. The aftermath is the violent attacks and destruction of election materials and carting away of ballot boxes while innocent voters and electoral workers are either killed or wounded.
Political violence impedes electoral processes and progress. It further affects the economy and social life of the electorate.
Experts define political violence as “violence which is perpetrated in order to achieve political goals. It can include violence which is used by a state against other states, violence which is used by a state against civilians and non-state actors, and violence which is used by violent non-state actors against states and civilians.”
Political violence has severely affected election exercise in many parts of the country. It is estimated that hundreds of innocent Nigerians have been killed during political violence and properties worth billions of naira destroyed.
Before now, political violence was mostly recorded in the hinterland and other obscure parts of the country. Today, because of the profile of the personalities involved and their connection, political thugs are now emboldened to carry out their operations even in the capital city, thereby making a mockery of security surveillance.
Party militias, criminal gangs and other armed groups have engaged in violence to suppress opponents, deter rival candidates from running and influence the electoral process.
According to a report, the electoral campaign this year has also further polarized the political and media environment, with numerous allegations against partisan outlets and political candidates. Some candidates are accused of inciting hate speech and stoking inter-communal tensions, at therisk of escalating violence in a country with a long history of electoral violence since its independence in 1960.
Since the beginning of the electoral campaigns for the 2023 elections, ACLED (Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project) reports that rising violence targeting rival party supporters and electoral officials, as well as activities by regional and criminal groups, point to possible vulnerabilities in the aftermath of the vote. This report assesses three patterns of election violence: the impact of violence between party supporters and against candidates; attacks on INEC officials and ad hoc staff; and the involvement of regional security outfits and criminal gangs. In the concluding section, the report identifies the risks of further violent escalation in the aftermath of the elections.
The report further noted that: “In the 12 months preceding the election, ACLED records over 200 violent events involving party members and supporters, resulting in nearly 100 reported fatalities. These numbers are largely in line with the run-ups to the previous two election years, with over 150 events and more than 100 reported fatalities between 2018 and 2019 and an estimated 115 events and over 90 fatalities between 2014 and 2015. The South East (46 events) and the South West (45) registered the highest number of violent events involving party supporters before the 2023 election, followed by the South-South (38) and North-Central (32) areas. Nearly one in 10 events took place in the battleground state of Osun, where both the PDP and APC have traded allegations over inciting violence against their rivals.
“Half of the violence involving party supporters in the 12 months before the 2023 elections involves direct, organized attacks against civilians, followed by mob violence and abductions. Unarmed civilians were the target of violence in around 80% of the events recorded by ACLED, accounting for approximately 75 of the nearly 100 reported fatalities arising from events between February 2022 and February 2023.
“Attacks against prospective candidates, party supporters, and local apparatchiks were a common occurrence during this period, including in areas where Nigeria’s overlapping security crises exacerbate threats to the physical security of politicians.
“In one such case, gunmen described as “bandits” killed an APC ward chairman in Kaduna State in April 2022.”
In all of these painful reports, it is obvious that the Nigerian youths have become the tool constantly used to perpetrate violence during elections.
The youths forget their importance in the scheme of things in the country. Some of the 18 presidential candidates are youths who have resolved to work towards the realization of their destiny through hard work, instead of allowing their elders to use them as sacrificial goats through violent means.
The question that should constantly be resonating in their mind, should be, “Whose interest is my involvement in political violence going to serve?
When last did you see the son or relative of the politician sponsoring any of these violence getting fully involved or leading the gang of the violent group? Think twice.
