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Niccolo Machiavelli, an Italian philosopher, in his 16th century political treatise, “The Prince,” suggested that “any prince who comes to power through luck or the blessings of powerful figures in the regime typically has an easy time gaining power but a hard time keeping it thereafter, because his power is dependent on his benefactors’ goodwill.”
Again, one of the finest American presidents, Abraham Lincoln, in one of his musings, noted, “nearly all men can stand adversity, but if you want to test a man’s character, give him power.”
Until 2015, when allied forces secured a convincing victory for him, President Muhammadu Buhari was a consistent loser. Three times, he attempted to become Nigeria’s president. Three times, he was rejected. There were reasons.
The political elite had imagined that Buhari was not amenable and would therefore be a bad politician. Every four years, between 2003 and 2011, Buhari, tried without success, to secure a seat he had tasted as a military dictator. In his political lonely years, however, Buhari was able to maintain his stronghold in the North East and North West.
North Central and the entire South eluded him. Despite his unsuccessful bids, Buhari’s popularity among the talakawas in the core north remained intact. Till date, I still doubt if anyone can defeat Buhari in any political contest, especially in the core north.
In 2013, strange bedfellows, who had a common enemy, Goodluck Jonathan, formed one of the biggest and most formidable political movements in Nigeria’s recent history, the All Progressives Congress (APC). As soon as the movement gained momentum, it was obvious that the then ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was in for a long walk.
In its familiar ‘I don’t care’ posture, the PDP underrated APC and even hailed the emergence of Buhari as the flagbearer of the party. In their warped thinking, they ignorantly concluded that the Daura deity was unelectable. They were so wrong.
APC launched one of the biggest presidential campaigns, laced with unprecedented propaganda and unrealistic promises. Their candidate, Buhari, was padded and remodeled. The never-smiling and tough-talking Buhari became a ‘changed man’. At least, we had imagined.
From the United Kingdom (UK) to Lagos, Daura to Iruekpen, Lafia to Ibadan, the message from Buhari was the same: “I am a repentant democrat.” In a historic move, President Jonathan was defeated. At least, Saint Buhari got what he had longed for after 12 years. He finally became the president and on May 29, 2015, he took his oath of office.
Barely two weeks into his presidency, the feud between him and the Senate, was birthed. Since then, Nigeria’s political space has been a theatre of war. Sadly and ironically too, you and I, the electorate, are the victims of Buhari-Senate feud.
You may begin to wonder why I took the long road. Well, I needed to remind you of how we got here. I also needed to remind those who are quick to twist history, how we got into this mess. Unfortunately for you and I, there is no escape route. At least, not now!
Now, back to our history class. The first litmus test for Buhari as soon as he was sworn-in was the election of presiding officers of both chambers of the National Assembly. As a democrat he claimed to be, one had expected that Buhari would allow lawmakers to choose their own leaders in the same way Nigerians opted for him.
We were wrong. Against the wish of some self-acclaimed leaders of APC and the presidency, Bukola Saraki and Yakubu Dogara emerged as rebel Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives respectively. Since their emergence, our sleep has been murdered.
Now, rather than swallow his pride and just move on, Buhari looked the other way when his foot soldiers launched an offensive against the leadership of the National Assembly, specifically, the Senate. Saraki was dragged before the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT). I am not making any excuses for Saraki. If he is found guilty, let him face the music.
For months, the Senate was tactically grounded. While that was yet to abate, Saraki and his PDP deputy, Ike Ekweremadu, were dragged before a Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court, over claims that they forged the Senate Standing Rules in 2015.
Saraki and Ekweremadu were not their only victims. Senators too had their unfair share of Buhari’s Greek Gift. Ordinarily, the National Assembly is on first line charge. It is an arm of government and in theory, it is independent.
But at the peak of the face-off, lawmakers’ salaries and allowances were delayed. It has never been heard of. In Buhari’s Nigeria, nothing is impossible. There were days when senators were broke and could not meet their basic financial obligations. I doubt if that has changed now.
Some senators and members of the House of Representatives, who opted for loans from commercial banks to fund their elections in 2015, got their fingers burnt. Since their salaries and allowances were not regular, some of them defaulted in repayment and they paid dearly for it.
While these offensives against the Senate persisted, Buhari still, enjoyed the Red Chamber. His nominees were promptly confirmed. Loans were approved and budgets were passed without any squabbles. All that is history now.
Today, it is no retreat, no surrender. The Red Chamber has issued a red card to Buhari and the biting effects are already becoming glaring. Like I stated earlier, this roforofo fight will not consume Buhari or senators. They have financial shock absorbers and can withstand any threat. But for you and I, na one chance be this.
As I pen this piece, there are over 40 pending nominees who will likely not be confirmed by the Senate. Key among the president’s nominations that have been kept in view by the Senate, as a result of the impasse, include the nominee for the position of Deputy Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and four members of the apex bank’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC).
Other nominations including, heads and board members of the Pension Commission (PenCom), Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), National Lottery Regulatory Commission (NLRC), and Federal Roads Maintenance Agency (FERMA) have been kept in abeyance.
The MPC is the engine room for the effective delivery of the functions of the CBN and it holds its meetings twice in a month and six times a year.
Currently, the apex bank has no quorum with which to hold the mandatory MPC meeting. When it failed to hold the January 2018 meeting, CBN Governor, Mr. Godwin Emefiele, had said the earlier scheduled meeting for MPC slated for 22-23 January 2018 was cancelled due to the apex bank’s inability to form a quorum as stipulated in the CBN Act 2007.
He said a revised schedule of the meetings for the MPC would be communicated as soon as the bank met the statutory requirements of membership and quorum for the MPC.
Speaking last Tuesday at the opening ceremony of the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting at the party headquarters in Abuja, Buhari confirmed our worst fears. He lamented that the recurring standoff between the executive and the National Assembly had contributed to slowing down the process of governance in the country.
“The standoff between the executive and the National Assembly slowed down the process of government. We are working hard to resolve the differences so that the country can move forward,” he admitted.
Now that Buhari has admitted the obvious, what is the way forward? The Senate made demands about Ibrahim Magu, acting chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), for instance. Indeed, the Senate has repeatedly made it abundantly clear that until President Buhari complies with its resolution that Magu should go and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo withdraws his comments that the EFCC chair can function without any confirmation by the upper legislative chamber, it will not confirm any nominee not captured by the 1999 Constitution, as amended.
The Presidency has stuck to its guns that Magu won’t go. What is at play here is an ego war. The Senate, having swallowed numerous punches, is unwilling to cave in. President Buharim to prove that nobody can detect to him has remained adamant.
However, it must be said that Buhari must tell himself the truth. The fate of 2018 budget is unknown. Over 40 nominees are yet to be confirmed. The economy is in trouble. Thousands of jobs are going down and the so-called anti-corruption war spearheaded by Magu has derailed.
Buhari has the yam and the knife. Let him decide what is more important.
