Xenophobic attacks: The contradictions in African unity

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By Emma Emeozor

The South African government deported some immigrants, including 97 Nigerians, last week. The exercise took place on the heels of wide condemnation of the xenophobic attacks on African immigrants in the country. The timing of the deportations calls to question the integrity of the government. Though it has been explained that the deportations are not connected to the attacks, it has not been explained why the government chose to do it now. Three reasons were given for the deportations: drug offences, criminal offences and immigration offences (lack of documentation). The three offences are among the reasons the country’s youth gangs gave for asking African immigrants to leave.  Some of the Nigerians deported for lack of documentation have said they lost their papers to the xenophobic attacks but the authorities refused to listen. Certainly, the exercise was a strategic move deployed not only to distract public attention from the hate crime in the country but also to tacitly justify the attacks. But, more importantly, it is a wakeup call for Nigeria and other African countries to protect their citizens always.

When the first wave of attacks broke out, from December 1994 to January 1995, the thinking was that it was the handiwork of some miscreants and government would take proactive action to ensure that there is no repeat of the malady. But that school of thought has since been proved wrong as the exercise has almost become an annual ritual during which immigrants are killed and their property looted.

Reports said during the 1994/1995 attacks, armed youth gangs in Alexandra Township outside Johannesburg, Gauteng Province, destroyed the homes and property of migrants and marched the individuals down to the local police station, where they demanded that the foreigners be forcibly and immediately removed. Series of xenophobic attacks had, since followed for the fact that the government did not make the leaders of the hate campaign face the law. Such violent attacks took place in 1998, 2000, 2008, 2009, 2013, 2015, 2016 and, now, 2017. And the organisers are boldly threatening to carry out more attacks. All the attacks have followed the same pattern of killing and looting.

Following the recent attacks, tempers have been high in Nigeria. The Federal Government has issued statements (as usual) calling the South African government to halt the act and protect Nigerian citizens in that country. The Senate immediately sent a delegation to South Africa to hold talks with the parliament, a move that has been condemned by Nigerians, who are are worried over the lackadaisical response of the Federal Government to the plight of its citizens in South Africa and other hostile nations.

Nigerians do not understand how their interest is provided for in the foreign policy of government. The Federal Government should be able to guarantee the safety of its citizens in the Diaspora. This should not be a subject of negotiation between it and its citizens. Kill one American in the Diaspora, Washington will go into action. Kill one Briton in the Diaspora, Number 10, Downing Street, will not go to sleep until there is redress. Even in matters of drug, criminal and immigration offences, the United States, Britain, Germany, to mention a few, would match words with action before any roundtable talks.

The brutal killing of a 34-year-old Nigerian businessman, Tochukwu Nnadi, on December 29, 2016, by the South African police, which was caught on camera, was an incident that was sufficient for the Federal Government to tell Pretoria that “Enough is enough.” Perhaps, the current administration should learn from the Obasanjo administration.

In 2003, former President Olusegun Obasanjo did it. He matched words with action when he closed the Nigeria-Benin border until the government of former President Mathieu Kerokou took tougher measures to tackle the rampant smuggling and banditry along the border. The Federal Government’s surprise action sent a clear and precise message to the Beninois that Nigeria could bark and bite. The border was re-opened after intense negotiations and an undertaking by Kerekou to maintain sanity along the border. Even with that rare action of the Obasanjo administration, diplomatic relations between the two countries has remained cordial.

Xenophobic attacks may not end soon

The response of the South African government to the recent attacks on Nigerians and other immigrants is not different from its response to previous attacks. It is usually a call for calm with a promise to address the problem. After the attack, President Jacob Zuma, insisting that South Africans were not xenophobic, called on everyone, citizens and non-citizens, to work together to combat the country’s crime rate, which is at its highest level ever.

He told the country that “many citizens of other countries living in South Africa are law-abiding and contribute to the economy of the country positively.” But almost three weeks after the attacks, the international community is still waiting to hear what measures the South African government is taking to ensure there is no repeat of the mayhem on foreigners. Also, there has been no verifiable report of punishment of the attackers and their sponsors.

The authorities should worry about the brutal killing of foreigners. Reports said during the 2008 attacks, foreign nationals were dragged through the streets of Alexandra and “necklaced,” a throwback to the summary execution tactic used in the Apartheid days: a rubber tyre, filled with petrol is forced around a victim’s chest and arms, and set alight. 

An analysis of the situation shows that the government is constrained to resolutely deal with the problem because there are powerful individuals, groups and politicians instigating the youth gangs to unleash terror on foreigners.

The 2015 attacks took place after the Zulu King, Goodwill Zwelithini said: “Foreigners should go back to their countries because they are changing the nature of South African society with their goods and enjoying wealth that should have been for local people.”

After the mayhem, Zwelithini denied inciting the youths to attack foreigners. Of course, the public knew he was not telling the truth.

The recent attack took place after the Mayor of Johannesburg, Herman Mashaba, issued a public statement, saying: “all illegal immigrants in Johannesburg are committing crimes so they must go.”

Mashaba’s statement was backed up by a march organised by the Mamelodi Concerned Resident, with the full approval of the police. The march was organised to drum home the alleged atrocities being committed by immigrants. The group marched to the Department of Home Affairs, the Department of Labour and the police. These are key ministries that handle immigrants’ matters.

The police approved the exercise even as the coalition of the United Front, African Diaspora Forum and former COSATU Secretary-General Zwelinzima Vavi’s new trade union federation steering committee had warned against the march, drawing attention to its xenophobic implications. The South African Human Rights Commission would later confirm that there were WhatsApp reports that encouraged the marchers to take violent action against foreigners.

Also worrisome is the discriminatory immigration policy of the Home Affairs Department. It would seem it has a set of norms for African immigrants and another for European immigrants. The rules for African immigrants are more stringent than the rules for Europeans. Until there is a review and streamlining of immigration rules, it will remain rough for African immigrants seeking to live in the country.

But what is the socio-economic status of the youths being used to launch the attacks? They are the impoverish and frustrated and unemployed; they are the uneducated black youths who are not able to compete with white South Africans and foreigners, those who have been used and dumped by politicians. Sad enough, it is this group of lazy and never-do-well South Africans that are being brainwashed daily into believing that their woes have been caused by immigrants.

South Africa is a classic example of the failure of leadership in Africa. When the African National Congress (ANC) took over government after the collapse of apartheid, expectations were high. The thinking was that the ruling party would consolidate the gains of apartheid and improve the lives of the majority black population. But this has since been a forlorn hope. Corruption, mismanagement, ineptitude have become the hallmark of the government while the population of jobless youths grows. Therefore, until the government addresses concretely the problem of unemployment, rural-urban drift, socio-economic development and growth, the restive youths would continue to target helpless foreigners even as the latter are contributing to the socio-economic advancement of the country.

South African officials’ excuses

South African officials, including its envoys to other African countries, have always given excuses for the attacks on foreigners in that country. But the excuses are baseless. They say immigrants are taking over jobs and businesses across the country. They blame employers of labour for choosing foreigners to maximise profit. But the immigrants have repeatedly argued that they don’t seek employment in public or government-owned establishments. Most of them are self-employed while others are employed in private business, depending on their skills. Therefore, they are a strong labour force contributing to the development and growth of the country. They cannot be described as parasites.

On the issue of crime, government officials, particularly the security forces, have never come out with statistics of crime rates showing the percentage of foreigners on one hand and South Africans involved in crime on the other hand. Again, how many foreigners are in South African prisons, when and how were the crimes committed?

It beats the imagination of any right-thinking person for some officials to argue that the youth gangs attacking African immigrants are ignorant of the contributions of African countries to the success of the fight against apartheid. Apartheid ended in 1994, that is, 22 years ago. Certainly, majority of the organisers of the march against immigrants are above 22 years. And of course, South Africa cannot be a country without history. Therefore, it is an understatement for anybody to claim the youths do not know their history. Perhaps, it is pertinent to know why they don’t attack European immigrants.

Thabo Mbeki’s sound bite

South Africans who seem to have difficulties accommodating their fellow Africans should listen to former President Thabo Mbeki’s sound bite following the recent attacks. At a press conference, where he condemned the attacks on migrants, he said: “As South Africans, we should never forget the enormous sacrifices that were made by the people of Africa to help us achieve our liberation.

“We cannot now behave in a manner that treats other Africans, who are now residents in our country, as enemies or unwelcome guests.”

Mbeki succeeded Nelson Mandela as South Africa’s second democratically-elected president in 1999 and stepped down in 2008, after nearly two terms.

Equally, the Nelson Mandela Foundation has criticised the authorities for giving the Mamelodi Concerned Residents the “permission for a march of hatred.”

Reports said at the weekend a coalition representing more than 10 civil groups had marched to the Parliament to protest the attack. They include the African Solidarity Network, the Cape Town Housing Assembly, Gender Sonke Justice, Unifam and Lumumba Chia. There had been calls on churches and mosques to educate their adherents on why they must embrace their fellow Africans and halt the attacks. Perhaps the youth gangs will listen to the voice of reason this time.

Attack on Nigerians, wakeup call on FG

It was disheartening hearing the ‘lamentations’ of the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Khadija Bukar Abba Ibrahim, when she appeared before the House Committee on Diaspora Matters.

Reports quoted her as saying that though it is the responsibility of the ministry to protect the interest of Nigeria and Nigerians abroad, funds were not made to the ministry until the 2017 budget proposals that are presently being considered by the National Assembly.

She said, “It is estimated that there are up to 15 million Nigerians abroad. …No provision was made for that purpose in the budget. Other countries make financial provision for repatriation of remains, lost income and loss of passport, funeral expenses, and medical bills, among others, which our missions can’t (handle) due to paucity of funds. Yet, Nigerians expect, unrealistically, missions to offer these services.”

The minister noted that it was only in the 2017 budget that the sum of N400 million was appropriated. But is this amount enough? Her response: “This is clearly inadequate to cover the sheer volume and complexity of the consular challenges facing Nigerian missions abroad, including the strategic engagement with Nigerians in the Diaspora.”

Ibrahim also commented on Nigerians in prisons abroad. According to her, there were15,316 Nigerians in foriegn prisons by December 2015. But she was quick to say “the update for 2016 is not complete as the Ministry is awaiting updates from our missions abroad.” Interestingly, she disclosed that Nigerians in Diaspora remitted over $21 billion in 2015 and “in recognition of the huge potential of Nigerians in Diaspora for national development, the Diaspora Desks in Nigerian Missions abroad are now to be part of the Economic Section.”

Chairman, House Committee on Diaspora Matters said it all when she accused the government of showing more interest in the remittance Nigerians in Diaspora make to the country than their safety in their respective countries of residence. She was emphatic when she said she was not going to be part of the “conspiracy of silence,” on the pains of Nigerians abroad, an apparent reference to the killing of Nigerians in South Africa.

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