with Olu Obafemi

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ALL newspaper and other media headlines are scream­ing with the explosive issue of the herdsmen and farm­ers, which has begun to rock the nation. War-drums may not be pounding as yet, but given the ethno-national sensitivity of our country—a stark symbol of the tenu­ousness of our nationhood, it is crucial that the govern­ing elite of this country found prompt resolution to the murderous rampage and incessant bloodletting carnage that the ‘herdsmen’ have let loose of our nation—espe­cially in the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria. There is a token relief in the reaction of the President. Tokenist because the response has been taken by the majority of the people from the directly impacted zones and sub-zones of our country and acutely sensitive and enraged individuals that the promise to terminate the whole con­flict under eighteen months as inadequate, lacking in concreteness and comprehensiveness. Methinks that the fact that the President has broken his ominous silence over the matter is a welcome beginning. It is important, however, that persuasive policies and palpable strategies for terminating the perennial crisis between sedentary farmers and the nomadic ones be put in place—in the interest of restoring confidence and belief in the cohe­siveness and coherence of Nigeria as a nation. Alarm to the effect of a looming disintegration cannot be taken with cavalier approach by any responsible government such as the Buhari government certainly is.

To do this, that is to find an enduring resolution to the emerging national crisis accentuated by the mindless killings by ‘herdsmen’ grazing rather than ranching in territories that have identifiable owners across the land and engaging in destructive practices of murder, rap­ing, massive destruction of lives and property is most urgent. And a number of red-herrings and grey matters have to be re-perceived or correctly perceived. Issues of identity, nature and character of the perpetrators of this mortal violence ought to be clearly ascertained. Sec­ondly, the solutions being proffered, such as the existence and factuality of a Grazing Bill must be streamlined. The sociology of the crises—as a cultural economic issue – must be properly defined and understood.

First, who are these people causing this dastardly mayhem? Are they herdsmen or not or are they terrorists or other types of criminals and villains? If they are herds­men, are they Fulani herdsmen who may have infiltrated or are they illegal funda­mentalist migrants coming across through our dangerously porous borders? Where are they coming from and how and why are they able to infiltrate the ranks of our normal cattle grazing nomads? Is this a cultural problem or truly a problem of cul­tural economy? There is an imperatively urgent need to supply unequivocal an­swers to these problems and marshal clear and sound action policies to address and resolve the problem before we are literally eclipsed as a nation. And these answers must be offered with mature objectivity and patriotism from across the Manichean divide.

Who are these elements stampeding the nation toward a damning halt? There is a history of relationship between the sed­entary farmers and their nomadic coun­terparts who rear their cattle, essentially through grazing. They were Fulani and they have always grazed in this coun­try to the amusement, bemusement and excitement of the people who own the lands across the nation where they had formed grazing routes. These herdsmen of old have moved on and have progres­sively stepped on the toes of their hosts to bleeding and sanguine points. There have been clashes. The Fulani herdsmen have deployed their long and, some believed, charmed grazing staff, and at the very worst, with cutlasses and arrows. Never, until this recent mortal outrage, with guns, not to talk of sophisticated small arms and light weapons and now A-K 47 and so on. Where are the wielders of these lethal weapons coming from? There are few un-ignorable identifiers. The highly revered Emir of Ilorin, retired Justice Ibrahim Sulu Gambari and the northern Governors have spoken. They have made their observa­tions separately. First, the Shehu and Emir, genuinely worried and alarmed, on receiv­ing the Vice President in audience in his palace, took the occasion to voice his con­victions. He was quoted to have said that the activities of these ‘herdsmen threaten the existence of Nigeria as an entity’. Sec­ond, he nudged the Federal Government to ‘curtail the excesses of the herdsmen—as an incessant security issue.’ Then he as­sertively declared that the ‘ herdsmen are not Fulani’ and he named their origin as ‘migrating herdsmen from other parts of Africa, a wandering tribe of people’ with a deliberate mission and political purpose, that of coming ‘here to destroy the Nige­rian entity.’ He counseled the Government to take a firm and fast action so that they don’t ‘become another Boko Haram on our hands.’ These opinions, advise and admonition coming from a revered royal father, a highly enlightened one at that, ought to sink. At least he has made a good attempt to address the identity and politi­cal character of the ‘herdsmen’. The only thing is that he still refers to them as ‘herds­men’ who are not Fulani. This is a very per­ceptive and informed mediation from the Emir but one that has not fully answered the identity question.

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Steve Nwosu, Deputy Managing Di­rector of The Sun Newspaper and owner of Frank Talk column on April 27, 2016 addressed the Grazing Bill matter. In do­ing so, he had offered an adjectival clause which prefixes and unmasks the menda­cious piranhas by shunning their ‘herds­men’ identity. He graphically defined them as ‘machine-gun wielding terrorists mas­querading as herdsmen. For all intents and purposes, this definition is the most apt of them all. While it has not declaimed their Fulani identity, which to me is the best thing not to do if we, as a nation, must handle the culprits in a manner that is to­tally devoid of primordial, ethno-centric trappings. And I believe those in govern­ment must take a cue from this perceptive definition in order to be able to carry the nation along in finding enduring solutions to the problem. We must not develop cold feet because we are made to think that we are dealing with Fulani herdsmen. Neither should we, true as it may appear, see the elements as set on destroying the Igbo, Ag­atu and Yoruba. We must take them, what­ever else they are, only but as felons and criminals engaged in acts that are nefarious and treasonable/felonious to the cohesion of our country and who must be check­mated with all the principled instruments and resources at our nation’s command , including the monopoly of violence and rules of engagement.

With specific reference to the Enugu attack and the expedient resolution strate­gies, Deputy Senate President condemns the attack on ‘unarmed Nigerians by ‘people suspected to be ‘armed herdsmen’ (a rather surreptitious admittance of the ter­rorist character of the bandits without let­ting off the herdsmen’s end of the rope for whatever purpose.)

Now to the issue of finding a perceptive resolution to the lethal crises. What options have been offered thus far and are they the best we can explore? One option provided by/for the National Assembly is through a Bill Grazing in the country. It is now be­yond debate that the National Assembly has a Grazing Bill for Act in its custody which it intends to at least debate and/or pursue. This is a Bill meant to establish a National Grazing Route and Reserves Commission to establish and control Graz­ing Routes in all parts of Nigeria. And another Bill for an Act to create a Depart­ment of Cattle Ranches under the Federal Ministry of Agriculture or any such Minis­try overseeing the production and rearing of livestock, including cattle. Is this the best solution to the deadly crises on the ground and will it subtend enduringly, if passed?

To continue next week