2027: Politicians, vitriolic campaign rhetorics and insecurity

Electioneering campaigns usher in political leadership transition. However, in Nigeria, political campaigns most often turn out to be a season of sorrow, tears and death. No thanks to the “do -or- die” nature of our politics. Rather than persuasively sell their parties’ manifestoes and their candidacies to the electorates, some desperate Nigerian politicians resort to thuggery and intimidation- they make use of political thugs and hired goons to intimidate their opponents and supporters of opposing parties to gain undue political leverage or advantage.

Since the infamous wild wild West in the first Republic,  the political history of Nigeria has been replete with violent electioneering campaigns. Wild Wild West and “Operation Wetie” are the monikers for the bloody political crisis that gripped the defunct Western Region in 1965. The crisis arose from supremacy battle and leadership dispute between the then Premier of the Region, the late S.L Akintola and the leader of Action Group, the ruling party there, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. In the recent history, the Godsday Orubebe drama at the INEC headquarters, Abuja during the declaration of the 2015 presidential election results would have been more fatal than “Operation Wetie” had the situation been mishandled. Orubebe was protesting the results which clearly indicated that his kinsman and then President, Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP was losing to the then opposition candidate, late President Muhammadu Buhari. But living up to his assertion that  “nobody’s political ambition is worth the blood of any Nigerian”, Jonathan wasted no time in conceding defeat and congratulating Buhari even before the final result declaration was made thus saving Nigeria and Nigerians unnecessary political impasse and possible bloodshed.

Given the precarious security situation facing the country today and the need not to exacerbate it,  it will be in the best interest of everyone if politicians, political parties and their candidates make the campaigns for the 2027 elections issue- based. Vitriolic campaign rhetorics and mudslinging could inflame passion and trigger uncontrollable intra- party, ethnic and religious violence with far- reaching consequences. If we are serious about ending insecurity or about preventing it from spiraling further, then politicians and their supporters must tame their tongues this campaign period.

During the campaigns, one of the issues political parties and politicians should be warming up to tell Nigerians how they intend to tackle is Nigeria’s energy crisis. In my view,  the 2027 campaigns should be energy and power- based. The parlours state of Nigeria’s power generation is intolerable.And it must be tackled headlong. As I wrote this column there was no electricity. My area of residence in the FCT has been without power for weeks and I’ve been using generator to power every electrical item in the house. Not many Nigerians can afford this. 2027, campaign promises that are not centered around this critical issues of power are not acceptable and must be rejected by Nigerians.

Electioneering campaigns should not be approached from the prism of do-or-die mentality.Politicians must stop seeing the electorates as zombies who have no reasoning faculty, who can be used as dispensable tools. It is however, heartwarming that Nigerian electorates are becoming more enlightened. The Osun experience has shown that Nigerian voters are ready to shun  campaign baits like money and food items or collect them and still vote their conscience. That was exactly what happened in Osun state during the state’s August 15th governorship election which returned Governor Ademola Adeleke to office. The Osun election is a refreshing electoral template that must be retained.

Postscript

Minister Wike, please show us the book

When Nyesom Wike became the FCT Minister in August 2023, Abuja’s domestic debt stood at N88.51 billion.

By March 2026, it had risen to N389.88 billion.

That is an increase of N301.37 billion, representing a 340.5 percent jump. Abuja moved from being the 9th-lowest indebted sub-national government in Nigeria to the second-highest. These figures are from the Debt Management Office and were analysed by News reports.

But the most revealing part is not even the final figure. It is the speed at which the debt accumulated.

The debt was N71.04 billion in June 2025 and

N78.93 billion in September. Then suddenly, N188.86 billion in December. By March 2026, it was N389.88 billion.

So, in roughly seven months, the FCT added more than N300 billion to its domestic debt. Between December 2025 and March 2026 alone, the debt increased by N200.99 billion. (News Report)

Now, here is where the story gets even more interesting.

This happened under an administration that was not merely spending existing revenue. It was also operating with considerably greater control over the FCT’s finances.

In October 2023, shortly after Wike assumed office, the FCT Administration was removed from the Treasury Single Account. Wike said the decision was necessary because the FCT was not a revenue-collecting agency of the Federal Government. (News Report)

In practical terms, the FCT gained greater financial autonomy over its internally generated revenue.

And the revenue itself was growing.

Wike has repeatedly pointed to a dramatic increase in the FCT’s internally generated revenue, saying monthly IGR rose from about N9 billion when he assumed office to more than N40 billion. (Leadership)

The FCT-IRS also reported record IGR collections in the period. Its own website confirms that the agency is the statutory revenue authority responsible for taxation in the territory. (FCT Internal Revenue Service)

Then consider the federally distributed revenue.

According to News report analysis of FAAC records, the FCT received N432.13 billion between August 2023 and March 2026 alone. That figure does not even include internally generated revenue and other receipts. (News Report)

So let us put the picture together.

Revenue increased.

The FCT gained greater control over its internally generated revenue.

The territory received more than N432 billion in FAAC allocations during the period.

And yet, within the same period, domestic debt moved from N88.51 billion to N389.88 billion.

This is where Nigerians must stop arguing about whether Wike is a good politician or a bad politician.

Ask the financial question.

Where did the money go?

What exactly was financed with the additional N301.37 billion in domestic debt?

Which projects were funded from internally generated revenue?

Which were funded from FAAC receipts?

Which were financed through borrowing?

How much was borrowed under each facility? From whom? At what interest rate? For what tenure?

And what is the total repayment obligation?

These are not hostile questions.

They are the most basic questions any serious government should be prepared to answer.

Nobody is saying borrowing is inherently wrong. A government can borrow responsibly to build infrastructure that expands economic activity and creates value.

But debt must be judged against three things: the purpose of the borrowing, the cost of the borrowing and the government’s capacity to repay it.

– From a concerned citizen

(TO BE CONTINUED)