Nigeria’s democracy is seen as a beacon in the West African sub-region. At least, elections are held every four years. However, it is faced with the challenge of equitable gender representation in its governance institutions. For emphasis, the country’s political system is structured across three tiers of governance: the federal level, with a National Assembly comprising the Senate with 109 seats, and the House of Representatives with 360 seats; 36 Houses of Assembly and 774 legislative councils in the 774 constitutionally recognised local government areas. This translates to 496 legislative seats at the federal level. This is added to 990 legislative seats in the states and numerous others at the local council level. It translates to approximately 1,486 legislative seats between the federal and state legislatures.
These numbers weigh against women as their inclusion remains disproportionately low. The statistics show that only eight out of 109 senators are women, and just 13 out of 360 representatives in the House are women. It is also said that only 5% of the 990 State Assembly seats are occupied by women, while less than 10% of councillors across the 774 LGs in Nigeria are women. This reality has negative implications for participatory governance, inclusion and sustainable development. Baroness Margaret Hilda Thatcher, British Prime Minister from 1979 to 1990, aptly captured the implication when she said, “If you want something said, ask a man; if you want something done, ask a woman.” Perhaps, this negative reality is a major reason Nigeria’s democracy, and good governance project, has been “wobbling and fumbling” since October 1960.
This unjust reality contrasts with global and regional benchmarks. For instance, Rwanda has 61% female representation in its lower house. This is made possible by constitutional quotas. South Africa and Senegal have over 40% and 43% female representation, respectively, through affirmative action policies. According to data from the 2023-2024 legislative reports, Namibia has 44% female representation in its parliament, Mozambique has 43%, Cape Verde enjoys 41 % while Ethiopia has 41.31%. Other countries with over 30% female representation are Burundi 38%, Tanzania 37%, Cameroon 33%, Uganda 33%, Chad 32% and 31% in Zimbabwe. These figures are above the African average of 25% and the 30% target set by the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, to which Nigeria is signatory. Yet, the Nigerian reality falls below even the African average. This is the reason the Reserved Seat for Women Bill has become a necessity. The bill aims to address this gap by constitutionally mandating a percentage of legislative seats for women, which will ensure that their voices become vital in shaping policies at all levels of governance.
The passage of this bill will achieve a lot for the progress of Nigeria. It will be a remarkable action towards overcoming barriers to women’s inclusion, and involvement, in politics. Such barriers include cultural norms, which prioritise men in leadership roles and subject women who seek elective positions to societal stigma. Such women also have their ambition viewed as defying cultural expectations of domesticity, especially in conservative regions of the country. It will also bypass economic constraints that work against women. Nigeria’s unregulated political campaigns are prohibitively expensive. They require significant resources for mobilisation, media, and logistics, which women stay away because of limited access to wealth, property, and credit. The law will also bypass the problem of low political awareness and education, and empower women to begin to challenge systemic exclusion designed against them. The reality here is that women constitute a significant portion of Nigeria’s voting population, yet many of them lack adequate political education to help break barriers imposed on them by the discriminative political system in Nigeria.
The expectation is that the bill, when passed and signed into law, will enable female legislators to champion policies that address social inequalities. For instance, Nigeria’s high maternal mortality rate, which is currently put at 814 per 100,000 live births, could see accelerated reforms with greater female representation that will also champion policies that will broaden the space for the participation of women in politics, economy, business, agriculture, and other facets of life that align with Nigeria’s National Gender Policy.
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As a fact, increased women’s representation in parliament will increase the visibility of women in leadership positions, which will have the double impact of challenging negative stereotypes and enhances the societal acceptance of female leadership. This has the potential to inspire future generations of young girls. It will also enhance trust in governance, make democratic institutions stronger and help build a more integrated social environment. Nigeria could also position itself to become a leader in gender equality in West Africa. This will have a huge influence on regional bodies like ECOWAS and possibly instigate a change that could impact inclusive governance in the region.
There is, therefore, a need for enhanced campaign in support of the bill to ensure its passage. As good as the bill is, there seems to be a gap in engaging women’s groups across the country to push strongly for it. The campaign for the success of the bill needs to go beyond the National Assembly. Professional women’s groups ought to get involved in pushing for it. This has become necessary because good ideas often die for lack of support and interest. It is noteworthy that the bill was sponsored by Hon. Benjamin, Okezie, Deputy Speaker of the House; Hon. Kafilat Ogbara, the chairman of the House Committee on Women Affairs and Social Development and Yeside Olasimbo, the Special Assistant on Women Affairs to the Speaker, but they need the support of women groups in the country to ensure that the good, which the bill embodies, is brought to live.
Though the bill embodies provisions on how the seats will be filled when created, educating communities on the benefits of women’s representation can reduce cultural resistance and build grassroots support for it. This also suggests that political parties should be made to adopt internal quotas for women in leadership and candidate nominations. This will also create a pool of qualified female candidates to elect from. It is also important to note that strengthening security measures to protect women candidates from violence and intimidation is equally critical to encouraging their participation. This is something that must be done even in women-only electoral contests.
The bottom line is that the Reserved Seat for Women Bill is a necessary step toward addressing the chronic underrepresentation of women in the federal, state, and local council parliaments. It is about providing guarantees for women’s inclusion in governance. By guaranteeing the seats, the bill effectively eliminates systemic barriers that scare women from involvement in politics, such as cultural norms, economic disparities, and political violence. The bill’s success will ensure that the voices of women help shape Nigeria’s future through parliamentary action. Its passage will further align Nigeria with global gender equality commitments, enhance democratic legitimacy, and drive gender-sensitive policies.
However, pushing to overcome possible resistance from men is also critical. Ensuring meaningful participation, through capacity building and political education of women groups, to achieve mass buy-in is crucial for success in empowering Nigeria’s women as architects of a more equitable and prosperous nation. This is why support for the bill is not misplaced.

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